Note: This article is
adapted from a presentation made by the author to the North Central Ohio Civil War Roundtable
at Bucyrus, Ohio in March 2002.
When the Union sloop of war
Kearsarge and the Confederate commerce raider Alabama clashed
off the coast of Cherbourg, France, it was a last glimpse of
chivalry in what had otherwise become a deadly serious and
unromantic war. On June 19, 1864, was waged the last naval duel of
American naval history: the last time two equally-matched ships
would meet in a prearranged fight to the death.
Admiral David Glasgow Farragut
himself, the hero of Mobile Bay, declared, "I had sooner have fought
that fight than any ever fought upon the ocean!"
It has become a cliché, but is true
just the same, to say that the Civil War marked a turning point in
naval warfare. The Civil War saw the world's first battle between
ironclads, the first submarine sink a ship, and the first effective
underwater-mine - then called a "torpedo" - used defensively.
Highlighting the transition through which naval technology was then
passing, both the Kearsarge and the Alabama were equipped
with sails and steam-driven propellers.
As Bruce Catton wrote, "The Civil
War came while one revolution in naval affairs was underway, and it
hastened the commencement of another ... the transition from sail to
steam [was already underway, and] by the time it ended, the
transition from wooden ships to ironclads was well along… by 1865
naval warfare would resemble the twentieth century much more than it
resembled anything Lord Nelson or John Paul Jones had known."
For all those changes, though, the
battle between the U.S.S. Kearsarge and the C.S.S. Alabama hearkened back to a more romantic, more gallant era. Many people
remember the clash of the ironclads Monitor and Virginia, but that
battle was essentially a draw. There was a clear winner in the clash
of the Kearsarge and the Alabama.
When it started, the Civil War
caught the navies of both sides completely unprepared. Years of
prewar neglect had taken their toll on the U.S. Navy. When war broke
out and President Lincoln ordered a blockade of the 3,500 miles of
Confederate coastline, U.S. Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles
found that he had at his disposal just 8,900 officers and sailors,
and 89 ships, only 42 of which were in commission. Of these, 28 were
on station in foreign waters, 26 were available but not in
commission, and 21 were rated unserviceable. Welles immediately made
arrangements for the purchase of 136 other vessels to be altered and
put into service - including harbor ferryboats, tugboats and
passenger liners - and he ordered the construction of 52 others,
just for starters. Among these would be the Mohican-class steam
sloop U.S.S. Kearsarge. By December 1861, the U.S. Navy had 264
ships mounting 2,557 guns and carrying 22,000 crew. By the end of
the war, the Navy would boast 671 ships and 52,000 men - among the
largest in the world.
A third of the Navy officer corps
of Southern birth headed south to serve the Confederacy: 16
captains, 34 commanders, and 76 lieutenants in the first wave alone.
The U.S. Navy high command so feared sabotage or invasion in the
simmering border state of Maryland, that the U.S. Naval Academy at
Annapolis was moved for the first and only time in its history: to
Newport, Rhode Island, where it stayed until after the war. Along
with the cadets, the faculty and the books went the U.S.S.
Constitution, "Old Ironsides" of War of 1812 fame, which
continued to serve as a training ship.
The Confederacy's young navy was in
even worse shape. Confederate Navy Secretary Stephen Mallory had
just 35 ships, mostly small, by December 1861; only 21 were
steamships, and the majority had fewer than five cannon. Some were "cottonclads,"
relying on the dubious protection of bales of cotton rather than
iron plating. The Confederacy was not too much better off in terms
of an industrial base with which to build more. The Confederacy had
only two naval yards, three rolling mills, and just a single foundry
for the casting of heavy cannon. The Confederacy initially had to
rely for its naval ordnance upon arms captured at Gosport Navy Yard
in Norfolk, Virginia. They also captured the half-burned hulk of the
Union steam frigate Merrimac, which would be refit and
rebuilt as the fearsome Confederate ironclad C.S.S. Virginia, and go
on to its fateful battle with the U.S.S. Monitor. Mallory did
good work with few resources, and he would be the only member of the
Confederate cabinet to hold the same post throughout the entire war.
On April 17, 1861, President
Jefferson Davis issued an offer of letters of marque and reprisal
under the great seal of the Confederacy to attack U.S. ships and
property. It was an open invitation for privateers to do what the
infant Confederate Navy could not then do for itself: to carry the
war to U.S. merchant ships on the high seas, anywhere and everywhere
throughout the world.
Cotton was key to Southern
prosperity. Cotton cost about eight cents a pound in the port of
Wilmington, N.C. at the start of the war, but could fetch up to
eighty cents a pound in Europe. The money from that trade could buy
a lot of war materiel; hemmed in by the Union, the Confederacy badly
needed foreign commerce. Blockade runners, sleek, swift, quiet
ships, soon appeared to slip through the Union blockade and bring
much needed supplies to the Confederacy. The blockade was very
porous in its early days, and it's been estimated that eight out of
nine blockade runners made it through at first. For those who
bankrolled blockade runners, profits started at 100-200 percent at
the beginning of the war. The successful-passage ratio was to
drop, however, and by war's end the blockade was nearly impermeable;
profits rose to 1,500-2,000 percent for each successful cruise. With
1,500 blockade runners captured by April 1865, however, the flood of
supplies brought across the high seas to Confederate shores slowed
to a trickle. The Confederate Congress passed a law requiring
one-third of all shipping capacity be set aside for government
cargoes, but the rule was not strictly enforced. There was far more
money to be made in secretly importing European perfumes, silks,
tea, liquor, and exotic foods.
U.S. amphibious assaults on Cape
Hatteras, Port Royal, and Hilton Head early in the war set the stage
for the slow strangulation of Confederate shipping, and the often
boring blockade duty also occasionally paid rich dividends for those
who enforced it. U.S. Navy crews preferred to capture rather than
sink blockade runners, wherever possible, and for good reason: a
capturing crew got shares of the proceeds from the sale of the
cargoes. In one case, the acting ensigns of a capturing Union ship
received $9,589.67 each, and the cabin boys each received the
equivalent of six years' pay.
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James
Bulloch (left), Confederate agent in London during the war who
arranged for the construction of the Alabama, and his
half-brother Irvine Bulloch (right), who served as an officer
on the Alabama. Their sister, Martha Bulloch, was
Theodore Roosevelt's mother.
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Confederate Navy Secretary Mallory
realized that he could not rely on Confederate shipyards alone to
build his fleet. He also sent James D. Bulloch, a business and
shipping genius, to Great Britain to arrange for the construction of
commerce raiders there. Soon, the ships that would become the C.S.S.
Florida and her more famous compatriot, the Alabama, were
under construction - both under the alert eye of U.S. spies and
informants, to be sure. U.S. minister to England Charles Francis
Adams kept up a steady stream of diplomatic letters and complaints
to the British government, criticizing what he saw as the gross
violation of British neutrality by Bulloch's clandestine
shipbuilding. Bulloch had to be very careful. As he wrote to James
M. Mason, the Confederacy's diplomatic agent in London, "I cannot
exaggerate, sir, the caution and tact required to get a ship to sea
with even the external appearance of a man-of-war."
An historical sidelight: Bulloch's
nephew was none other than the young Theodore Roosevelt, who
idolized his mother's brother. Although of strong Union sympathies,
T.R. always relished the role his family played in the creation of
the Confederacy's most famous commerce raider. Campaigning in the
South in the 1904 election, President Roosevelt told the story of
the Alabama's last battle with such gusto that, it was said, it
sounded like he'd fired the cannon himself.
Historian James McPherson has
written that this was a "contest of lawyers, spies and double agents
that would furnish material for an espionage thriller," and so it
was. The British were no strangers to shipbuilding for the
Confederacy; the small, shallow-draft Clyde River steamers were
already popular and effective blockade runners. A correspondent for
the London Times noted in late 1863, "Should the demand
continue at this rate, there will soon be scarcely a swift steamer
left on the Clyde." British-U.S. relations were already cool. Many
members of Parliament made no attempt to hide their Confederate
sympathies, and Adams had his work cut out for him.
The eight Confederate commerce
raiders, the Sumter, the Nashville, Georgia,
Tallahassee, Chickamauga, Alabama, Florida
and Shenandoah, captured or sank a total of 295 Union
steamers, 44 large sailing ships, and 683 schooners by the war's
end. As McPherson noted, "Although their exploits did not alter the
outcome of the war, they diverted numerous Union navy ships from the
blockade, drove insurance rates for American vessels to astronomical
heights, forced these vessels to remain in port or convert to
foreign registry [eight times as much tonnage as the Alabama
and her sister ships actually destroyed], and helped topple the
American merchant marine from its once-dominant position, which it
never regained." Who benefited most from this? You guessed it: the
British.
Raphael Semmes had begun the war as
secretary of the U.S. Lighthouse Board in Washington, but he soon
made himself useful to the Confederacy by shopping for naval
supplies in the north. Born in Maryland but a longtime resident of
Alabama, Semmes was lean and wiry, with piercing blue eyes and a
rakish moustache, looking every inch the pirate captain that the
northern press later accused him of being. He kept the moustache so
heavily waxed that his crew dubbed him "Old Beeswax."
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Raphael
Semmes (center, seated) and his officers from the CSS Sumter
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Semmes had a good naval record in
the Mexican War, despite losing one ship, the U.S.S. Somers,
which capsized in a squall. He secured a Confederate combat command
for himself first as master of the C.S.S. Sumter, a passenger
ship converted to a raider, which sank or captured 18 ships in a
seven-month voyage. After several adventures, he was given command
of the Confederacy's finest commerce raider, the C.S.S. Alabama.
Bulloch had wanted her command for himself, but he was providing a
greater service to the Confederacy ashore, so Semmes got the Alabama and a better-known place in
the history books.
Semmes' ship sailed from Liverpool
in the summer of 1862 on a "practice cruise," named the Enrica,
never to return to British shores. It was just as well for him, as
the British government ordered him not to sail just hours before.
Semmes took his ship to the Azores, west of Spain, and the ship was
armed there with cannon and ammunition brought aboard another ship
from Britain. Semmes thus technically complied with the British
Foreign Enlistment Act, which forbade the construction and arming of
warships in Her Majesty's territory for a belligerent power. Semmes
formally commissioned his ship the C.S.S. Alabama on August 24,
1862, and the hunt was on.
Immediately, the Alabama wreaked
havoc among the U.S. whaling fleet in the Azores, destroying ten
ships in two weeks. She sailed for Newfoundland and the New England
coast, capturing, burning or sinking another 11 ships. By now, the
Atlantic was aswarm with U.S. Navy ships hunting for her; none found
her until the Alabama encountered the U.S.S. Hatteras in the
Gulf of Mexico near Galveston, Texas. By a ruse in which Semmes
pretended that his ship was the British warship H.M.S. Petrel, the
Alabama got close enough to the Hatteras to loose a fatal
broadside, and soon the smaller Union warship was sinking. Semmes
had painted in Latin on the Alabama's stem the motto, "God helps
those who help themselves," and he was not above resorting to such
ploys in order to win. It was to be the only victory of a
Confederate raider over a Union warship in the entire war.
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The CSS
Alabama
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By now, the U.S. Navy had 25 ships
looking for the Alabama, at a cost of $7 million. Navy Secretary
Welles, seething, confided to his diary, "The ravages of the...
Alabama are enormous. England should be held accountable for these
outrages. The vessel was built in England and has never been in the
ports of any other nation. British authorities were warned of her
true character repeatedly before she left." Destined never to put in
at a Confederate port, the Alabama's crew was also almost entirely
English, although most of her officers were Southerners.
Semmes, perhaps sensing that the
U.S. Navy was closing in on him, sailed down the coast of South
America, around the Cape of Good Hope and westward across the
Pacific, continuing to prey on American ships as he went. The
Alabama sailed across the Indian Ocean and then to Singapore, but
the news of her coming had raced ahead, and no U.S. ship would leave
port and run the risk of encountering her. By then, Semmes had
developed a routine, checking the papers of each ship he stopped,
burning or sinking any of U.S. registry, and confiscating their
valuables and ship's chronometers. Semmes periodically wound up
these expensive ship's clocks, as Shelby Foote put it, "by way of
keeping tally or counting coup." When in doubt, Semmes always erred
on the side of burning a captured ship. He sometimes would hoist
false colors or identify his ship as another in order to gain an
advantage or win the confidence of another ship, a practice which
also led to his denunciation as a pirate by the Northern press.
After a visit to India and South Africa, Semmes and the Alabama continued their swath of destruction up through the center of the
Atlantic.
Semmes put in at Cherbourg, France,
on June 11, 1864, for repairs and coal. The Kearsarge appeared three
days later, steaming briefly into harbor to look over the Alabama before leaving again to blockade the harbor mouth, beyond the
breakwater. France was then neutral, and the Kearsarge's
captain, John A. Winslow, was careful not to cause a diplomatic
incident by engaging the Alabama then and there. Semmes immediately
challenged the Kearsarge to a duel, writing to Winslow, "My
intention is to fight the Kearsarge as soon as I can make the
necessary arrangements. I hope these will not deter me more than
until tomorrow evening, or after the morrow morning at the furthest.
I beg she will not depart before I am ready to go out."
Winslow had no intention whatsoever
of leaving before he tangled with the Alabama. In one of those great
ironies for which the Civil War is so remarkable, Semmes and Winslow
had shared a cabin as young naval lieutenants during the Mexican
War, 17 years earlier and 5,000 miles to the west. Each had lost
early commands in unavoidable storms. While with the Lighthouse
Board, Semmes had signed Winslow's appointment as inspector of the
second lighthouse district. Now, the two officers had their own
rendezvous with destiny.
John Ancrum Winslow was a native
North Carolinian who had remained loyal to the Union when the war
came. He married his not-so-distant cousin, a Boston socialite,
causing a minor scandal. He was a graduate of the Naval Academy,
having received his appointment as midshipman with the help of a
family friend, Daniel Webster. Winslow served in the U.S. fleet on
patrol in Brazilian waters, fought in the Mexican War and was
recognized for his courage in trying to save the U.S.S. Missouri
from a sudden shipboard fire. He commanded the U.S. Navy ironclad
U.S.S. Benton on her maiden cruise down the Mississippi
River, and was severely injured when an anchor chain broke,
whipsawed and struck him during efforts to free the ship from the
thick river mud.
Winslow was a stout, seasoned
sailor who always spoke his mind. He caught malaria in the
Mississippi swamps and partially lost vision in his right eye. He
once told a reporter that President Lincoln was "an old chowderhead,"
and loudly criticized the sometimes-aimless Union war effort in the
west; this may have led to his appointment to command one of the
U.S. Navy's most cantankerous new steam sloops, the Kearsarge.
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The USS
Kearsarge
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Built and launched in Portsmouth,
New Hampshire, the Kearsarge was named for a mountain in
New Hampshire. The name is of Pequawket Indian
origin, meaning "notch-pointed mountain of pines." Winslow was not
entirely pleased with his ship, feeling that sometimes she handled
like a mountain, too. After a shakedown cruise to Cadiz, Spain, the
Kearsarge needed a complete engine overhaul. A Navy board of
inquiry pronounced her machinery unsafe, but Winslow saw to the
repairs and in time whipped her - and her crew - into shape.
The Kearsarge was anchored
off the Dutch coast, in the mouth of the River ScheIdt near
Flushing, when word came from U.S. Minister to Paris William L.
Dayton that the hated Alabama was in port in Cherbourg. It was
Sunday, June 12, 1864. Winslow lost no time in raising anchor and
steaming down the English Channel.
Soon the Kearsarge stood
guard outside Cherbourg, her quarry still within the harbor. Word of
the forthcoming battle between the Kearsarge and the Alabama traveled fast. The French railway authorities arranged for special
excursion trains from Paris for the public to watch the great naval
duel. Adding to the excitement was the fact that a new casino had
opened in Cherbourg that weekend. The hotels were jammed, and many
people had to sleep on the docks. Even the great French
Impressionist painter Edouard Manet made his way to the coast to
observe, producing a notable painting of the battle. Peddlers sold
cheap binoculars, camp stools and small Confederate flags at
outrageous prices to the crowds, who would be able to tell the ships
apart even at a distance: the Kearsarge was burning
bituminous coal from Newcastle, leaving a dark smoke trail, while
the Alabama was burning Welsh anthracite coal that left only a faint
trail. Betting among the 19,000 some spectators was brisk, and the
Alabama was heavily favored.
In the next few days, Semmes and
Winslow both put their affairs in order, drilled their crews and
thought of the battle to come. Semmes was 55; Winslow less than two
years younger; they were two southerners who had chosen different
sides in a war that divided the nation. As Shelby Foote observed,
"Both had close to 40 years of naval service, having received
appointments as midshipmen in their middle teens." Winslow's
biographer, John M. Ellicott, wondered almost 40 years later,
What were the feelings of the two
commanders, Semmes and Winslow? - shipmates, messmates, and
roommates in a previous war, in which each had won commendation for
brave deeds. In that they had fought side by side with all the ardor
of youth; now in the maturity of years and experience, they had come
together again, grim if not bitter opponents in a far more
stupendous conflict, duelists as equally equipped as can ever be in
naval warfare. Each was familiar with the other's characteristics.
Semmes knew that he would be blockaded with ceaseless vigilance;
Winslow felt sure that his opponent would ultimately fight his way
out rather than be smothered in a hole.
Just after the Kearsarge's
arrival, Semmes wrote in his journal, "The combat will no doubt be
contested and obstinate, but the two ships are so evenly matched
that I do not feel at liberty to decline it. God defend the right,
and have mercy on the souls of those who fall, as many of us must."
One of his English crewmen was considerably more upbeat, composing a
chantey for the crew:
We're homeward bound, homeward
bound,
And soon shall stand on English ground.
But ere that English land we see
We first must fight the Kearsargee!
Just in case, Semmes put ashore
four sacks containing the loot collected on the Alabama's long
cruise: 4,700 gold sovereigns, six million francs in currency and
$20,000 in ingots, comprising the ransom bonds of ten ships he had
released earlier in his cruise because he had no room aboard the
Alabama for their captured crews, and - of course - the Alabama's
burgeoning chronometer collection.
Sunday, June 19, 1864, dawned
bright and clear, with a gentle breeze and perfect visibility. A
cheer went up from the crowd ashore when, at 9:45 a.m., the Alabama weighed anchor and was escorted out of Cherbourg harbor by the
French ironclad Couronne. His moustache bristling, Semmes climbed
atop a gun carriage to give his first speech to the crew since the
Alabama's commissioning. He said:
Officers and seamen of the
Alabama! You have, at length, another opportunity of meeting
the enemy - the first that has been presented to you since you
sank the Hatteras… The name of your ship has become a
household word wherever civilization extends. Shall that name be
tarnished by defeat? The thing is impossible! Remember that you
are in the English Channel, the theater of so much of the naval
glory of our race, and that the eyes of all Europe are at this
moment upon you. The flag that floats over you is that of a young
republic who bids defiance to her enemies, whenever and wherever
found; show the world that you know how to uphold it. Go to your
quarters!
At 10:20 a.m., Winslow had just
begun to conduct divine services at the stern of the Kearsarge
when the lookout called, "She's coming out and she's headed straight
for us!" Winslow said, "Amen!" in the middle of a sentence, snapped
the prayer book shut and ordered the crew to battle stations. He took
the Kearsarge from her station three miles off the French
coast to a post roughly four miles further out; he did not want to
give Semmes the chance to flee back into French waters if the
Confederate ship was losing.
The Kearsarge displaced
1,031 tons, and the Alabama, 1,016 tons. Winslow had 163 officers
and men in his crew; Semmes had 149 men. The Alabama's officers were
more experienced; all but one of Winslow's subordinates were
volunteers from the merchant marine. Both ships were fairly new, and
both had roughly equivalent firepower: the Kearsarge had
seven cannon capable of hurling 366 pounds of iron in a broadside;
the Alabama had eight cannon capable of flinging 296 pounds. Both
were barkentine-rigged ships over 200 feet long.
How closely matched were the two
ships, in actual combat? That depends on whom you ask. Winslow's
biographer wrote, "It seems scarcely probable that two ships more
equally matched will ever fight [again] in single combat." The
consensus among naval historians is that the ships were generally
evenly-matched. However, Southern-oriented writers, beginning with
Semmes himself, have charged that the Kearsarge was the more
powerful ship, or held some 'unseemly advantage.'
In keeping with standard U.S. Navy
practice by that point in the war, Winslow had on May 14 draped 120
fathoms - about 720 feet - of spare anchor chain along the
Kearsarge's sides. The chains were boxed in place as a kind of crude
chain armor. For his part, Semmes arranged for the loading of an
extra hundred tons of coal in Cherbourg harbor so that the Alabama
would ride lower in the water and provide less of a target to the
Kearsarge's gunners.
Semmes later claimed that he did
not know of the Kearsarge's extra protection, protesting in
his memoirs, "It was the same thing as if two men were to go out and
fight a duel, and one of them, unknown to the other, were to put on
a suit of mail under his outer garment." However, U. Arthur Sinclair
of the Alabama said afterwards that the French port admiral told
Semmes about the Kearsarge's armoring when the Union warship
arrived earlier that week. Complaints such as Semmes' ring hollow,
in any event, particularly from one as used to sly
misrepresentations of his ship's identity as Semmes. As Foote noted,
Semmes was "one of the trickiest skippers ever to prowl the ocean
lanes [and] was scarcely in a position to protest the use of a
stratagem that had been common in all navies ever since Farragut
employed it, more than two years [before], to run past the forts
below New Orleans."
In addition, as Bruce Catton noted,
"The raider's victories had been over unarmed merchantmen, and her
crew had been denied practice ammunition… the unpracticed gunners of
the Alabama were no match for ... Winslow's well-drilled Yankees."
Winslow's hours of drilling paid off. As Foote wrote, Semmes' crew
fired far more, but "Winslow's gunnery was methodical by contrast,
and a good deal more effective; he would get off a total of 173
shots in the course of the engagement... the accuracy in both cases,
a tally of hits and misses would show, was in inverse ratio to the
rate of fire."
Semmes was also at a comparative
disadvantage because his ammunition had not been replenished in
almost two years; his gunpowder was weakened, as Shelby Foote wrote,
"by exposure to various climates on most of the seven seas." Before
the Kearsarge's arrival, Semmes had intended to put the
Alabama in dry-dock for a two-month overhaul, including scraping off
the barnacles from her hull, without which her maneuverability was
somewhat impaired.
Of such differences are battles
decided, and wars won.
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The Kearsarge drew first blood,
when a 32-pound shell burst through the port of the Alabama's
forward pivot gun, crushing the leg of a tacklerman, ricocheting and
killing a man at another cannon. Winslow toyed with the idea of
ramming and boarding the Confederate ship - he had even trained his
men with that in mind - but he gave it up when the Alabama skipped
out of range. Winslow then tried to "cross the T," taking his ship
across the Alabama's stern while bringing a full broadside to bear,
but Semmes anticipated him and turned his ship on a port heading.
The two ships then began circling
each other on opposite headings, moving in concentric circles around
one another at a distance ranging from a quarter- to a half-mile,
firing furious broadsides as a three-knot current carried them
westward. They circled each other seven times that day, but it was
clear almost from the outset who was winning.
Estimates vary, but of the roughly
370 shots fired by the Alabama, only 28 hit the mark. These did
little damage to the Kearsarge and wounded only three men,
one of whom, William Gowin of Michigan, later died of his wounds.
The Alabama suffered dozens of hits and over 40 casualties. A
l00-pound shell from the Alabama lodged in the Kearsarge's
sternpost, but did not explode. If it had, the battle might have
gone far differently. President Lincoln later received the
sternpost, with the dud shell still lodged in it, as a souvenir of
the battle; it can now be found in the U.S. Naval Academy museum.
As the battle went against him, and
as the Alabama's deck began to fill with wounded and dying sailors,
Semmes tried to turn his ship back toward neutral French waters, but
Winslow anticipated him and closed off that route of escape. Semmes
turned to his first officer, saying, "Go below, Mr. Kell, and see
how long the ship can float." Kell checked below decks, including
the sickbay. There he saw Assistant Surgeon David Llewellyn
standing, stunned and horrified: moments before, an 11-inch shell
from the Kearsarge had snatched the "table, [a] wounded seaman, and
all his instruments from under the ministering hand of the doctor,
who stood there, abruptly alone" (Foote). Kell continued his hasty
tour, and reported to Semmes that the engine room was flooded and
the ship would probably sink within ten minutes.
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Edouard Manet's
depiction of the climax of the battle between the sinking
Alabama (center) and the victorious Kearsarge (center,
background). In the right background is the British
yacht Deerhound and in the foreground one of two French
pilot boats that came to the rescue of Alabama crewmen.
(from the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art)
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"Then sir," replied Semmes, "cease
firing, shorten sail, and haul down the colors. It will never do in this nineteenth
century for us to go down, and the decks covered with our gallant
wounded." His orders were carried out. A cheer went up on the
Kearsarge, but two of Semmes' crew either did not hear of the
surrender or chose to ignore it; they fired another cannon barrage
at the Kearsarge. Winslow, furious at what he saw as Confederate
duplicity (perhaps remembering the fate of the U.S.S. Hatteras?)
ordered another broadside into the Alabama. “Those sneaking
bastards,” he said, "let them have another!" Semmes at last hoisted
a white flag and hung the Confederate naval ensign upside-down at
the Alabama's stern.
An hour and a half after the battle
started, the Alabama sank beneath the waves, her raiding days over
forever. Semmes later wrote that he was glad, at least, that "she
was safe from the polluting touch of the hated Yankee." The sea was
filled with the bobbing heads of the Alabama's crew. Winslow
discovered that three of his lifeboats were smashed by cannon fire,
and only two were usable.
The British yacht Deerhound
was nearby, owned by John Lancaster, a wealthy British
industrialist. Lancaster and his family had enjoyed ringside seats
to the naval duel. Winslow shouted to Lancaster, "For God's sake, do
what you can to save them!" Semmes had thrown his sword into the
water to prevent its capture, and he lay along the bottom of a
Deerhound lifeboat, as if dead, hiding his identity from a
Kearsarge rescue party. Kell, his first officer, was by now dressed
in a simple crewman's uniform; he said that Semmes "is drowned,"
when asked by a Union officer. Semmes and Kell soon boarded the
Deerhound, Lancaster asked him, "Where shall I land you?" to
which Semmes replied, "I am now under English colors, and the sooner
you put me, with my officers and men, upon English soil the better."
Winslow had expected that the
Deerhound would turn over those she rescued to his custody, and
was angry to learn that Semmes had escaped. Lancaster later had to
defend himself against unfounded Union charges that he had expected
all along to help out the Alabama's crew, and had lingered in the
area just to make good Semmes' escape. In a letter to the London
Daily News, he wrote, "My own opinion is that a man drowning in
the open sea cannot be regarded as an enemy at the time to anybody,
and is therefore entitled to the assistance of any passerby." As
Winslow's biographer John M. Ellicott wrote, "Confederate
sympathizers gloated over [Semmes' escape] as marring the
Kearsarge's victory and the Federals magnified this by a good
deal of thoughtless wailing."
The Deerhound rescued 42 men from
the Alabama, and another dozen were picked up by two French pilot
boats; the Kearsarge brought aboard 70 more and took them captive.
Semmes' escape was the only blot on an otherwise perfect day for
Winslow and the Kearsarge. A great Confederate predator of the seas
was no more. In two years, the Alabama had boarded 386 ships,
released 232 neutral vessels, and destroyed or captured 66
U.S.-registered merchant ships valued at $6,547,000. Even with
inflation, that's a lot of damage!
After the battle, Winslow conducted
a thanksgiving prayer service aboard the Kearsarge. The Union
warship then steamed into Cherbourg harbor "with flags aflutter from
every mast [and] was promptly surrounded by boatloads of people out
to greet the ship whose victorious crew had somehow been
transformed into the home team," as Shelby Foote wryly noted.
Northern public reaction to the
Kearsarge's victory was overjoyed. President Lincoln exulted,
"Semmes the pirate has been scourged from the sea." Navy Secretary
Gideon Welles - no fan of Winslow's after the Navy captain's earlier
outspoken criticism of the war effort - nevertheless sent a gracious
letter of commendation. Welles wrote, "I congratulate you on your
good fortune in meeting the Alabama, which had so long avoided the
fastest ships and some of the most vigilant and intelligent officers
of the service, and for the ability displayed in the contest you
have the thanks of the Department.... The battle was so brief, the
victory so decisive, and the comparative results so striking that
the country will be reminded of the brilliant actions of our infant
Navy, which have been repeated and illustrated in this engagement."
As one popular song had it,
The Alabama's gone,
hurrah!
To Davy Jones' locker far,
There's nothing left of her
to mar our commerce on the sea!
The 'hero of chronometers'
was vanquished by the stripes and stars;
He'll long remember Yankee tars
on board the ship Kearsarge!
At President Lincoln's request,
Congress voted its thanks to Winslow and promoted him to commodore,
backdated to the day of the battle.
Semmes and his men were celebrated
in England - "a set of first-rate fellows," the Times declared. The
Alabama crew, "were given a welcome as hearty as if they had won,"
Shelby Foote wrote. Several admiring Royal Navy officers presented
Semmes with an elegant, gold-mounted sword to replace the one he'd
pitched into the English Channel.
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The
victorious John Winslow (third from left) and crew aboard the
Kearsarge following the battle
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Winslow got the same red carpet
treatment at home. He was guest of honor in Faneuil Hall and Revere
House in Boston, sitting dourly through several public receptions,
parades and speeches. Boston's shipping tycoons presented him with a
check for $21,000; a plaque in the Massachusetts Statehouse still
commemorates Winslow and the crew of the Kearsarge. The New York
Chamber of Commerce gave Winslow $25,000, and the New York Union
League and the Philadelphia Merchants' Exchange threw huge parties
for Winslow and his men. Washington society welcomed them.
The Kearsarge's triumph was
another bit of good news for President Lincoln at a time when he
badly needed it. Along with Grant's slow but steady progress in
Virginia, Sherman's triumphs in Georgia, and Sheridan's smashing
victories in the Shenandoah Valley, the naval victory carried
Lincoln to comfortable reelection that fall, and doomed Confederate
hopes that the war might be negotiated to a close.
Winslow went on to command the
Mexican Gulf Squadron of the U.S. Navy, and in 1870 was promoted to
Rear Admiral and given command of the Pacific Squadron. He died on
September 29, 1873, after several heart attacks. Funeral services
were in St. James Episcopal Church in Boston; his coffin was draped
with the Kearsarge's battle flag. Winslow is buried in
Boston's Forest Hill Cemetery, and his grave is marked by a granite
boulder from Kearsarge Mountain.
After savoring English high
society, Semmes managed to slip back into the Confederacy via Cuba
and Mexico. He was promoted to admiral and placed in command of the
tiny James River Squadron. As U.S. forces closed in on Richmond in
early 1865, however, he had the unhappy duty of torching the fleet
to prevent its capture. Arrested after the war, he was briefly
jailed but was then pardoned by President Andrew Johnson. He died in
1877.
The Kearsarge and
Alabama's duel had been a memorable clash of two ships and two
captains - but what did it all mean? The end of a Confederate menace
on the high seas, true, but the commerce raiders also
established an important point of maritime law. The U.S. government
pressed its claims against the British government after the war for
the damage done by the Alabama and her sister ships, since they had
been built on British soil with at least the tacit consent of the
British Crown. In the 1871 Treaty of Washington, Great Britain
expressed official regret for the escape of ships fitted out by, or
built in, British ports. The obligations of a neutral country were
clarified, and the "Alabama claims" were referred to
international arbitration. In 1872, an international Tribunal of
Arbitration meeting in Geneva, Switzerland awarded the U.S. $15.5
million in gold, declaring that the United Kingdom had failed in its
obligations of neutrality by encouraging Confederate privateers. The
sole dissenting vote was that of the British member of the panel,
but the British paid up.
The names of both the Kearsarge
and the Alabama were later commemorated by the U.S. Navy. The
South
Dakota-class battleship Alabama, a veteran of World War II, is now
moored and open to the public in Mobile, Alabama. Taken off the
Naval List in 1962, she was the fourth American warship to bear the
name. Today the Ohio-class Trident ballistic missile submarine U.S.S.
Alabama, SSBN 731, prowls the seas; you may have seen it in
the Gene Hackman/Denzel Washington movie Crimson Tide. The
wreck of Semmes' Alabama was found by a French Navy diving team in
1984, forty fathoms down, and some artifacts have since been
recovered by a joint U.S.-French scientific committee. Several
items, including samples of the ship's porcelain and the bronze rim
of the ship's wheel, were displayed at the U.S. Naval Museum in
Washington, D.C. in the summer of 1992.
In 1894, thirty years after the
battle off Cherbourg, the original Kearsarge was lost in a
storm on Roncador Reef in the Caribbean, 250 miles east of
Nicaragua. Other U.S. naval vessels bearing the name Kearsarge were
a battleship of the "Great White Fleet" of the early 20th century,
and an aircraft carrier of the mid-20th century. Launched a month
too late to take part in World War II, that ship was later
noteworthy for having been a recovery carrier for some of the
Mercury orbital flights. An amphibious assault ship, commissioned in
October 1993, now bears the name Kearsarge, LHD 3. General
Colin Powell, then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, spoke at the
christening ceremonies in Mississippi, and was tactful enough
not to mention the original Kearsarge's role in sinking the
pride of the Confederate commerce raider fleet. The most recent
Kearsarge gained some attention when Marines stationed aboard her
rescued the downed U.S. Air Force pilot Scott O'Grady in Bosnia in
early June 1995.
And, in late April 1994, in the
episode "Firstborn," the television series Star Trek: The Next
Generation (which has previously commemorated such Civil War
battles and ships as the Monitor, the Merrimac, Gettysburg and the
Cairo), referred in passing to the starship Kearsarge. Some
500 years in the future, it seems, there will be another Kearsarge
and, perhaps, even another Alabama, too.
And so, the great flow of history
continues.
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John
McIntosh Kell
first officer of the Alabama
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